漢人抗爭的歷史 History of Han Chinese Resistance

我叫佐拉，出生在中國湖南的一个漢人農民家庭。跟其他農耕民族一樣，耕作和讀書是我們生存和發展的手段，而不是靠壓迫和掠奪其他種族作為生存和發展的手段。

My name is Zola, born into a Han Chinese farmer family in Hunan, China. Like other agricultural ethnic groups, farming and education were our means of survival and growth, rather than relying on oppressing or plundering other races for survival and development.

借助國際互聯網的便利，我逐漸瞭解了曾國藩所稱的「粵匪」為何被後來中華民國政府正名為「太平軍」，那是幾百年來，漢人遭受来自滿族人統治下的民族壓迫和民族岐視，為了保留頭髮而進行的頑強的抗爭，卻被強權污蔑為「粵匪」。

With the convenience of the international internet, I gradually came to understand why the “Yue Bandits” referred to by Zeng Guofan were later renamed by the subsequent government of the Republic of China as the “Taiping Army.” For centuries, Han Chinese people endured ethnic oppression and discrimination under the rule of the Manchu people. In their resilient resistance to preserve their hair as a symbol of their identity, they were unjustly labeled as “Yue Bandits” by the powerful authorities.

太平軍失敗後，從孫中山倡導「驅除韃虜倒滿興漢」為口號創立興中會，華興會提出「復興中華」的理念，光復會則呼籲「光復漢族」，到中國國民黨則倡導「民族、民權、民生」的三民主義，我可以瞭解到，這些社會運動皆為代表漢人爭取建立一個人民享有民主與自由的國家進行民族革命的實踐。

After the failure of the Taiping Rebellion, a series of social movements emerged with the aim of advocating for the Han Chinese people’s struggle to establish a nation where democracy and freedom would be enjoyed by the people.

Sun Yat-sen advocated the slogan “Expel the Tartars, Restore China to the Han” and founded the Xingzhonghui (Revive China Society). The Huaxinghui (China Revival Society) proposed the idea of “National Revival,” while the Guangfuhui (Recovery Society) called for the “Recovery of the Han Race.” Later, the Kuomintang (Chinese Nationalist Party) promoted the Three Principles of the People: nationalism, democracy, and livelihood.

From these movements, it becomes clear that they all represented the Han Chinese people’s pursuit of a national revolution aimed at establishing a country where democracy and freedom were enjoyed by the populace.

從太平軍反對異族統治，到同盟會強調漢民族主義，發展到中華民國政府提倡五族共和（漢、滿、蒙、回、藏），主張民族融合，直至發展到今日中國北京政府所倡導的國家民族主義。雖內涵和主張有所變化，卻皆為強調漢人的身份認同，皆言爭取民族復興和公平正義，奮力爭取聯合國《世界人權宣言》所載基本人權：所有人都應享有不受種族、膚色、性別、語言、宗教、政治立場或其他觀點、國籍、社會出身、財產狀況、出生等任何差異限制的一切權利和自由，具體來說，不得為奴，不得酷刑，不受歧視，不得任意逮捕、拘禁或放逐，有權接受公正公開的審訊，無罪推定，遷徙自由，婚姻自由，保護私有財產，宗教自由，言論自由，參政自由，工作權利，休息的權利，享受社會保障的權利，受教育的權利，享受藝術的權利，創作受保護的權利。截至今日，包括漢人在內仍有無數人在不懈努力，為這些權利和自由而奮鬥。

From the Taiping Rebellion’s opposition to foreign rule, to the Tongmenghui’s emphasis on Han nationalism, and the development to the Republic of China government’s advocacy for a Five-Race Republic (Han, Manchu, Mongol, Hui, Tibetan) and the promotion of ethnic integration, all the way to the present-day Chinese government in Beijing advocating national nationalism – while the content and claims have changed, they all emphasize Han Chinese identity. They all strive for national rejuvenation and justice, tirelessly advocating for the fundamental human rights outlined in the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights:

“All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.”

Specifically, these rights include but are not limited to: freedom from slavery, torture, discrimination; protection against arbitrary arrest, detention, or exile; the right to a fair and public trial, presumption of innocence; freedom of movement, marriage, and religion; freedom of speech, participation in government, work, rest, social security, education, artistic expression, and protected creation.

Up to the present day, countless individuals, including Han Chinese, continue to tirelessly strive for these rights and freedoms.

漢人抗爭的現狀 Current Status of Han Chinese Resistance

前面提到的中國國民黨目前基本上退出中國、未能成為中國共產黨的反對黨，並不再為中國境內的漢人爭取權益之後，中國共產黨獲得政權，並進行內部清洗、階級鬥爭的同時，經歷了最初三十年的困境，直至美國介入援助並推動了四十年的改革開放。然而，儘管經濟上改革開放帶來了經濟發展，但共產黨拒絕了政治體制的改革。

After the aforementioned Nationalist Party (Kuomintang) essentially withdrew from China and failed to become the opposition party to the Chinese Communist Party, and ceased to advocate for the rights of the Han Chinese within China, the Chinese Communist Party seized power. During this period, there were internal purges and class struggles. After the initial three decades of challenges, the CCP underwent a transformation with the assistance of American intervention, leading to four decades of reform and opening up.

However, despite the economic development brought about by these reforms, the Communist Party rejected political system changes.

習近平上任十年來，清洗政治對手，西藏和新疆地區遭受壓制，香港的公民社會受到衝擊，中國的民間組織和公民社會遭到鎮壓，異議人士被驅逐和逮捕，數字監控工具被廣泛應用，使得這個政權成為了極權主義獨裁的典型，變成了連喬治·奧威爾的筆下都無法想象的極端情景：異議人士被迫在電視上認罪，被強制失蹤，民間言論在數字平台上受到限制和審查，言論動輒得咎。人們敢怒不敢言，道路以目，以至於白紙也能成為社會運動的符號。放眼望去，中國共產黨在中國境內已無對手，任何荒唐政策的推行毫無阻力。中共境內的漢人表示，反對已不可能，只有加倍讚美，奉行加速主義，與極權一同赴死。

Over the past ten years of Xi Jinping’s tenure, political opponents have been purged, and regions like Tibet and Xinjiang have faced suppression. Civil society in Hong Kong has been shaken, while grassroots organizations and citizen initiatives in China have been suppressed. Dissidents have been expelled and arrested, and pervasive digital surveillance tools have been widely employed. This regime has transformed into an exemplar of authoritarianism and dictatorship, even surpassing the extreme scenarios envisioned by George Orwell: Dissidents are coerced into televised confessions, subjected to forced disappearances, and free expression is constrained and censored on digital platforms, with any dissenting speech easily blamed. People dare not voice grievances openly and instead resort to using symbols such as blank sheets of paper as a form of protest. Looking ahead, the Chinese Communist Party has effectively eliminated any meaningful opposition within China, allowing for the unimpeded implementation of even the most absurd policies. Within the CCP’s dominion, some Han Chinese express that opposing is no longer feasible, and instead, they resort to excessive praise, embracing an accelerationist approach and resigning themselves to comply with the authoritarian rule even abandon efforts and die with totalitarianism.

支持人權保護的意義 The significance of supporting human rights protection

人權保護的意義在於確保每個人都能享有尊嚴和平等的權利，不受種族、膚色、語言、宗教、政治見解或國籍等因素的限制。台灣一直努力在國際舞台上爭取被尊重和認可的機會，儘管受到中國排斥，難以廣泛參與國際事務。人權活動是一項跨越國界的國際行動，旨在促進和保護人權，不僅關注本國人權水平的提升，還通過國際性的人權活動與其他地區互動，關切全球各地的人權狀況。這與聯合國倡導的普世原則相一致，也可以在台灣遭受不公正待遇時，獲得其他地區團體的支持。通過參與人權活動，台灣能夠展示對普世價值的承諾，推動全球人權的進步，並在國際舞台上爭取更多的合法地位。

The significance of human rights protection lies in ensuring that every individual enjoys dignity and equal rights, free from constraints based on factors such as race, color, language, religion, political beliefs, or nationality. Taiwan has been striving to gain respected and recognized opportunities on the international stage, despite facing exclusion from China and challenges in participating widely in international affairs.

Human rights activism is a transnational global endeavor aimed at promoting and safeguarding human rights. It not only focuses on enhancing the domestic level of human rights but also engages in international human rights activities to interact with other regions and address human rights situations worldwide. This aligns with the universal principles advocated by the United Nations and allows Taiwan to receive support from groups in other regions when facing unjust treatment.

By participating in human rights activities, Taiwan can demonstrate its commitment to universal values, drive progress in global human rights, and strive for greater legitimacy on the international stage.

台灣選民關心中國人權的意義 The significance of Taiwanese voters’ concern for human rights in China

台灣選民關心中國人權的意義在於認識到在一個缺乏言論自由、新聞自由以及結社自由的專制統治環境下，人們失去了免於恐懼的自由。

The significance of Taiwanese voters’ concern for human rights in China lies in recognizing that in an authoritarian regime marked by a lack of freedom of speech, press, and association, people are deprived of the freedom to live without fear.

我明白，就像大多數80年代的台灣民眾不熟悉台灣社會運動者一樣，中國的人權相關新聞在大眾中並不廣為人知。

提到民國83年的千島湖事件，可能對許多年輕台灣人來說有些遙遠。這是一起發生在中國的搶劫、殺人和縱火案，涉及一起中國政府試圖掩蓋的不尊重人權的事件。

I understand, just like how many Taiwanese people in the 1980s were unfamiliar with Taiwanese social activists, news related to human rights in China is not widely known among the general public.

Mentioning the Qiandao Lake incident in the Republic of China’s 83rd year (1994) might seem distant to many young Taiwanese. This was an incident involving robbery, murder, and arson that occurred in China, and it was an event associated with a lack of respect for human rights that the Chinese government attempted to cover up.

最近的案例，如2015年的銅鑼灣書店事件，桂民海和林榮基分別被中國抓走並強迫失蹤。桂民海甚至是被中國在泰國綁架，這涉及跨境執法，侵犯了泰國的主權。

Recent cases, such as the 2015 Causeway Bay Books incident, where Gui Minhai and Lam Wing-kee were separately apprehended by China and forcibly disappeared, stand as examples. Gui Minhai was even abducted by China in Thailand, involving cross-border law enforcement that violated Thailand’s sovereignty.

2017年，中共政府指控台灣公民李明哲顛覆國家政權，入獄5年。去年，在李明哲的妻子李淨瑜奔走呼籲下，他終於回到了台灣。

In 2017, the Chinese Communist government accused Taiwanese citizen Lee Ming-che of subverting state power and sentenced him to five years in prison. Last year, with the efforts and appeals of Lee Ming-che’s wife, Lee Ching-yu, he finally returned to Taiwan.

2019年，台灣公民李孟居因拍攝中國武裝警察部隊在深圳灣體育中心集結訓練的畫面，從香港入境深圳後失蹤，被中國判刑22個月。中國共產黨擔心他影響半年後的台灣選舉，甚至要求他不能回台灣。如今，他在日本。

In 2019, Taiwanese citizen Lee Meng-chu disappeared after entering Shenzhen from Hong Kong. He had filmed scenes of China’s armed police forces gathering for training at the Shenzhen Bay Sports Center. He was later sentenced to 22 months in prison by China. The Chinese Communist Party was concerned that his actions could influence the Taiwan elections six months later, and even demanded that he not return to Taiwan. Currently, he is in Japan.

2023年，台灣YouTuber焦慮主婦和出版人富察，相繼被中國政府扣押，其中富察至今無法回到台灣。

In 2023, Taiwanese YouTuber Lia “a.k.a. Anxious Housewife” and Taiwan-based publisher  Fucha were successively detained by the Chinese government. Among them, Fucha has been unable to return to Taiwan up to this day.

我並非試圖通過這些案例，來嚇唬台灣人民，而是希望諸位總統候選人和台灣選民認識到，在一個缺乏言論自由、新聞自由和結社自由的專制統治環境下，人們無法擺脫恐懼。我希望可以引發台灣民眾對人權重要性的深思，進而體現出台灣人對對自由的追求和決心。

I am not attempting to scare the people of Taiwan through these cases, but rather, I hope that the presidential candidates and voters in Taiwan can recognize that in an authoritarian regime lacking freedom of speech, press, and association, people cannot escape fear. My intention is to stimulate deep contemplation among the Taiwanese populace about the importance of human rights, and to manifest Taiwan’s pursuit and determination for freedom, rather than trying to create fear.

台灣作為一個民主國家，選民的每一張選票都具有重要意義，不僅關乎自己的國家發展，也關係到國際社會的人權進步。通過關心中國人權問題，台灣選民能夠在國際舞台上發聲，為倡導自由、平等和尊嚴作出積極的貢獻。這不僅是為了全球人權事業的進步，也是為了台灣本身的利益。

As a democratic nation, every vote from the Taiwanese electorate holds significant meaning, as it not only pertains to the development of their own country but also impacts the advancement of human rights globally. By caring about human rights issues in China, Taiwanese voters can have a voice on the international stage, making a positive contribution to advocating for freedom, equality, and dignity. This endeavor is not only for the progress of global human rights, but also serves the interests of Taiwan itself.

台灣人要不要關心中國的人權 Why Taiwanese people should care about human rights in China

在考慮是否關心中國的人權問題時，我們需要認識到中國共產黨代表的中國政府從未放棄對台灣的武力威脅，因此，中國並不是台灣的友邦。對於台灣來說，能夠幫助牽制專制的中國的力量都應被視為台灣的朋友。

When considering whether to care about human rights issues in China, we need to recognize that the Chinese government, represented by the Chinese Communist Party, has never relinquished its military threat against Taiwan. Therefore, China is not a friendly nation to Taiwan. For Taiwan, any force that can help counterbalance the authoritarian China should be regarded as a friend to Taiwan.

中國共產黨的真正對手，反對者，必然是中國的人民。最先反抗暴政的人是離中共最近的人，是那些持有中國證件的中國人，總有一些如秦永敏、許志永、丁家喜、彭立發這樣的有良知的勇士，願意站出來振臂高呼，倡導自由與民主。

The true opponents and dissenters of the Chinese Communist Party are inevitably the Chinese people themselves. Those who initially resist tyranny are the ones closest to the CCP, individuals holding Chinese citizenship. There are always conscientious and courageous warriors like Qin Yongmin, Xu Zhiyong, Ding Jiaxi, and Peng Li-fa, willing to step forward and bravely advocate for freedom and democracy.

中國共產黨曾誓言要入侵台灣，考慮到這一情況，台灣或許應該提前關注並認識到來自中國的真正傑出的人權倡導者，找出優秀的民主活動家，向他們提供各層面的關心和鼓勵，分享非暴力抗爭經驗。這有助於幫助他們在中國社會建立影響力，鼓勵他們阻止中國政府作出荒誕決策，從而在更多中國平民百姓中培養對民主國家的信心。這種努力不僅可以在外交和國防方面起到四兩撥千斤的作用，還符合用兵之道中的攻心為上，攻城為下的理念。

Considering the Chinese Communist Party’s past pledge to invade Taiwan, Taiwan should perhaps proactively focus on anticipating and familiarizing itself with genuinely exceptional human rights advocates from China. Identifying accomplished democratic activists and extending comprehensive care and encouragement to them, including sharing experiences in nonviolent resistance, could assist in helping them establish influence within Chinese society. This might encourage them to deter China from making absurd decisions and thereby foster confidence in democratic values among more ordinary Chinese citizens. Such efforts could not only play a significant role in diplomacy and defense but also align with the strategic principle of Sun Tzu’s Art of War, which emphasizes winning over minds before engaging in direct conflict.

查理·卓别林 《大独裁者》 演讲的内容：

I’m sorry, but I don’t want to be an emperor.

对不起，但我不想成为什么皇帝。

That’s not my business.

那不是我的事情。

I don’t want to rule or conquer anyone.

我不想统治或征服任何人。

I should like to help everyone if possible: Jew, gentile, black man, white.

我想帮助每个人: 犹太人，非犹太人，黑人，白人。

We all want to help one another. Human beings are like that.

我们要彼此帮助，人类就应该那样。

We want to live by each other’s happiness, not by each other’s misery.

我们希望凭借彼此的幸福而生活，而不是凭借彼此的痛苦。

We don’t want to hate or despise one another.

我们不希望彼此憎恨。

In this world, there is room for everyone and the good earth is rich and can provide for everyone.

在这个世界上有足够的空间容纳我们，美丽富饶的土地，可以使每一个人都丰衣足食。

联署方法：在本页留言； 联署格式：（名字，城市或地区，头衔）

1. 佐拉，台湾花莲县，佐拉科技有限公司执行长
2. 李昱憲，台灣嘉義市
3. 簡上洋，台灣花蓮，退休人士，業餘農夫
4. 張心威，新北市淡水區，上班族
5. 蔡宜蓁，台南市，房地產投資理財顧問。
6. 谭翼翔,泰国,人權工作者

Apple 使用 Safari Fraudulent Website Warning（Safari 诈骗网站警告）标记已被识辨的诈骗网站。

如你到访的网站疑似钓鱼网站，启用“诈骗网站警告”功能的Safari即会显示警告。钓鱼是一种窃取你个人资料（例如用户名称、密码和其他帐户资料）的诈骗行为。诈骗网站会伪装成正常的网站（例如银行、金融机构或电邮供应商）。到访网站前，Safari可能会将从网站地址计算出的资料传送予“Google安全浏览”和“腾讯安全浏览”以检查是否为诈骗网站。这些安全浏览供应商也可能会记录你的IP地址。

Safe Browsing工作原理是，维护一个已知诈骗网站列表，列表里的URL的256位的hash值的前32位会生成一个数据库，所有用户会下载到浏览器里，Safari浏览器每次访问都会生成URL的hash值，前32位若匹配，就去GOOGLE或腾讯的API查询，API返回所有前32位匹配的不安全URL让浏览器去识别。当用户到访怀疑是诈骗网站的 URL 时对用户显示警告讯息。

Apple公司在2019年说，Safari 会从 Google或中国腾讯接收已识辨为诈骗网站的列表。Apple公司强调区域设定为中国大陆的设备将从腾讯接收诈骗网站列表。

Apple公司的2022 年 9 月 12 日的隐私声明法律文件《 Safari與隱私權 》https://www.apple.com/hk/legal/privacy/data/zh-hk/safari/ (时光机器网页存档 https://web.archive.org/web/20221127235632/https://www.apple.com/hk/legal/privacy/data/zh-hk/safari/ )中的“詐騙網站警告”这一章节提到：

Google（和對於使用區域設定為中國大陸的使用者：騰訊）可能也會記錄你的IP位址。

Apple公司于2022 年 12 月 12 日 更新的隐私声明法律文件《 Safari與隱私權 》https://www.apple.com/tw/legal/privacy/data/zh-tw/safari/ 中的詐騙網站警告这一章节提到：

Google（對於區域設定為「中國大陸」或「香港」的用户而言也包括騰訊）接收資料時，可能也會記錄你的IP地址。

Apple公司隐私声明法律文件中多出了“或香港”三个字。而2019年的据科技新闻网站engadget的报道《Apple 正式回應 Safari 引入騰訊安全瀏覽一事》 https://chinese.engadget.com/chinese-2019-10-15-apple-safari-response.html  这篇报道说，僅有地區編碼設為中國的 iPhone 才會啟用Safari 引入騰訊安全瀏覽。

据媒体 https://qooah.com/2019/10/14/safari-send-ip-addresses-to-tencent/ 在2019年的报道，原本這項服務 Apple 只與 Google 合作，使用 Google 的資料庫作判斷。美國 Johns Hopkins 大學教授在2019年指出  https://blog.cryptographyengineering.com/2019/10/13/dear-apple-safe-browsing-might-not-be-that-safe/ Apple 在沒有通知使用者的情況之下，偷偷加入了中國的騰訊公司。就是说， Safari 現在會把網站瀏覽資訊，除了交給原有的 Google Safe Browsing 來擋惡意網站外，還會交給中國的騰訊公司的 Tencent Safe Browsing。现在又注明会把香港用户的网站瀏覽資訊，交給中國的騰訊公司。

2019年，大量媒体报道，甚至讨论如何关闭Safari的「詐騙網站警告」https://www.thenewslens.com/article/126054

2019年，据香港互聯網協會副主席、前Apple公司员工朱家昌（Chu Ka-cheong ,A.K.A. Edwin Chu)）说，「Google安全瀏覽」及「騰訊安全瀏覽」的API基本上一樣，兩者可以互通，使用兩項服務所交出的資訊相同。

2022年12月30日，朱家昌在Twitter公开表示，在使用Safari访问 www.gitlab.com 的时候被提示是诈骗网站，Gitlab是一个跟Github一样的基于git仓库的web开发流程代码托管平台，是一家乌克兰的企业。但被中国的腾讯公司认为Gitlab含有未经证实的消息，该网站发布了违反国家相关法律的的内容，已为你拦截。

2019年的时候，Apple说仅仅会在中国区使用腾讯的blocklist，媒体也表示在中国访问不了Google，使用腾讯的相同API作为替代品可以理解。

2022年，苹果改变政策，让Safari的香港用户也使用了来自中国腾讯的blocklist，导致香港用户访问 gitlab.com 也出现诈骗网站警告。

gitlab的同样的在线开发协作平台github在中国也被中国遭遇DNS污染、中间人攻击。但尚未有人报告是还也被中国腾讯列入诈骗网站，有读者能测试一下吗？

佐拉的评论：

Safari Fraudulent Website Warning的初衷本来应该是保护用户，是一个针对诈骗网站进行拦截的网络服务，被中国滥用，扩大屏蔽内容范围和使用者范围，苹果公司也有连带责任。中国腾讯把 gitlab.com 视为诈骗网站，可能是因为gitlab作为一家乌克兰公司，上面有大量乌克兰开发者，亲俄罗斯的中国政府担心中国和香港开发者同情遭遇俄罗斯入侵的乌克兰，所以将gitlab列入被审查名单，要求中国腾讯设法屏蔽gitlab。

我将上面的内容转发给香港自由亚洲的记者，我觉得香港用户的浏览数据“送中”，接受 Tencent Safe Browsing的内容审查，内容审查和防火长城借苹果公司的Safari浏览器延伸到香港，苹果公司完全配合中共的不公开“法律”，经济上和政治上完全被美国当中国看待，可视为进一步的香港沦陷，自由沦陷，民主沦陷。

我觉得，有能力亲自识别URL亲自识别诈骗网站的Safari用户可以选择关闭“安全浏览”，或停用Safari浏览器，或停用Apple公司的产品。

BTW： 逻辑上来说，“危险-该网站含有未经证实的信息”这句话极为荒诞，既然“信息”会带来危险，就要让大家去证实，然后就有应对方案了嘛。另外，据我所知，信息的价值也在于不确定性，未经证实的信息更有价值。打个比方，我跟没有瞎的你说“太阳和月亮是圆的”，你不会认为这是有价值信息，会认为这是废话。

还有，据技术细节，Tencent Safe Browsing不会收集所有URL，但会知道使用者IP，因为总会有机会查询API。

据Apple的隐私声明，Safari浏览器會將所有浏览过的網址傳送給Apple并將網址儲存五年。除非你用Safari的「私密瀏覽」模式下。

互联网倡导开放与自由，这个精神带来了很多创新的机会，带来了丰富的互联网应用。

反观共产主义政党中国共产党，执政前满口民主自由的政治承诺，执政后并未保障结社自由、出版自由、言论自由，与自由开放精神背道而驰。中共自建党以来，透过持续的“胡謅指标”展开“运动式治理”，不断的对内进行自我肃清和整顿，对外展开审查、迫害和阶级斗争。在执政后三十年里，持续展开阶级斗争，把中国经济搞到崩溃的边缘。中国共产党的组织文化里，最缺乏的就是自由与开放精神。

共产党执政的中国，持续推行言论审查和网路审查，所有“UGC”（用户产生内容）的外国社交网站全被中国政府屏蔽访问，中国版本的社交网站却通过聘用大量内容审查员执行不透明的审查，网路环境成了电影《楚门的世界》那样的环境，把中国网民塑造出脱离现实的认知，持有“正确的集体记忆”的小粉红和战狼网络出征，中国外交声誉一落千丈，国际形象日显狰狞。

我认为共产党的哲学和文化是禁锢和封闭，不是自由与开放。从哲学角度来看，用谎言和暴力维系生存的中国共产党并不会致力于创造一个开放社会。而在开放与自由精神指导下的互联网，已经打造了一个开放社会。2013年8月19日，习近平讲话表示“互联网亡党亡国”，也就是说，中国共产党视开放社会为敌人。索罗斯多次在公开场合批评习近平，说机器学习和人工智能可以成为被掌握在专制政权手中的社会控制手段，说习近平是开放社会最危险的敌人，说习近平的独裁威胁中国这个国家。疫情蔓延下的中国，社会信用体系、出行码已经成为暴政下的社会控制手段，许多汉人和持中国国籍的人深受其害。

在中国，也许有人认识到经济融入到世界能对中国有利，也许有人认为脱钩后自力更生对中国有利。我认为推动“世界互联网大会”的这些中国人，也许真的是反对脱钩要求继续改革开放的人，也可能只是一帮骗取经费的人，通过随便找来18个小国家的150个代表，制作热点话题，抢夺话语权而已。